Interesting new paper from Philipp Dietrich on the development of Russia's VK social media platform into a 'super app' to increase state surveillance and the dissemination of propaganda.
I had the pleasure of learning about this research when visiting DGAP earlier this year, glad to now see it published.
Get some more insights into Day 1 of the #regroup#minipublic in Florence! 🇮🇹
The invited resource persons from the European University Institute share their insights. How was it for them to participate and to discuss the #covidcrisis with the citizens?
GUEST BLOG | 🖊️ What are the reasons for citizens to comply or not to comply with #covidmeasures? 🇪🇺
Rossella Vulcano, PhD student at the University of Groningen, studies citizens' responses to governmental restrictions, aiming for a more efficient #pandemicgovernance.
Freedom House has kicked off promotion for the launch of the 2023 #FreedomOnTheNet ranking on 4 Oct.
As a primer, have a look at our recent article with @tanyalokot on how competing rankings have shaped global understandings of what internet freedom is (and isn't)
We adopt a relational approach to explain how & why such a complex landscape of internet freedom rankings has emerged and identify how the ranking organisations’ varying approaches to capturing internet freedom have played a role in defining and legitimating it as a global issue.
Since both the uses of the internet and discussions about what freedom means in relation to it have developed so rapidly, ranking organisations have had to continually respond to these developments, negotiating their authority in relation to other actors in their field.
As we approach the annual media event that surrounds the launch of FoTN, our article can serve as a useful primer for what internet freedom rankings can - and cannot - tell us.
Do gender differences in political ambition occur to the same extent across local, national and European levels? 🤔
💡 We find that women have lower levels of political ambition across all levels, but that the gender gap is significantly smaller at the local level compared with the European (but not the national) level
"exposure to sexually conservative ethnic out-groups can provoke an instrumental increase in LGBT+ inclusion, particularly among those hostile toward immigration."
Please stop referring to the Chinese and Russian 'models' of internet control.
How Russia censors today is the complete opposite of what the 'Russian model' referred to when the idea of 'models' was first proposed (and China hasn't exactly been static either...)
I'm writing about Internet bills proposed by the Russian State Duma that either did not go anywhere (e.g. Milonov's 2017 social-media-by-passport proposal) or only much later or in heavily redacted form (such as the 2020 social media law). Which other bills should I include?
I'm trying to get a sense of the overall dynamics of proposals being floated at various times since 2012. Vague leads or hunches welcome!
The iPhone of Meduza's Galina Timchenko was infected with Pegasus spyware in February 2023. The ability of Russian independent journalists to continue their work in exile is under tremendous pressure (Meduza has been operating from Riga since 2014). Yet more evidence how working from within the EU does not necessarily shield them from risk