Investigation by The Insider on Russia's enhanced filtering capacity - protocol-based blocking - and how it evaded sanctions to procure the equipment this requires.
Great follow up from The Insider on recent SovFed statements about more aggressive measures to restrict VPNs that enable circumventing censorship in Russia (again illustrating SovFed is not the place where to expect tech expertise...).
Worth translating if you're interested in the topic of VPNs in Russia.
Fully agree with Klimarev that preventing Russians from using VPNs to access restricted resources (e.g. by limiting search results or protocol-based blocking) is impossible. At the same time, Russia certainly can be successful in making it much harder for most ordinary citizens.
For the offline component of the 4th edition of our teaching partnership, the Digital Constitutionalism Network is in Padova this week with brilliant students from University of Padova, Dublin City University and University of Bremen
The intensive week of lectures and group work in Padova builds upon the virtual component before the summer. To learn more about the Blended Intensive Programme coordinated by the Digital Constitutionalism Network, check out the blog post on the virtual part.
The BIP is organised by Claudia Padovani, Andrea Pettrachin, Edoardo Celeste and Dennis Redeker with contributions by various members of the Digital Constitutionalism Network, including Mauro Santaniello and Marianne Franklin
Freedom House has kicked off promotion for the launch of the 2023 #FreedomOnTheNet ranking on 4 Oct.
As a primer, have a look at our recent article with @tanyalokot on how competing rankings have shaped global understandings of what internet freedom is (and isn't)
We adopt a relational approach to explain how & why such a complex landscape of internet freedom rankings has emerged and identify how the ranking organisations’ varying approaches to capturing internet freedom have played a role in defining and legitimating it as a global issue.
I'm writing about Internet bills proposed by the Russian State Duma that either did not go anywhere (e.g. Milonov's 2017 social-media-by-passport proposal) or only much later or in heavily redacted form (such as the 2020 social media law). Which other bills should I include?
I'm trying to get a sense of the overall dynamics of proposals being floated at various times since 2012. Vague leads or hunches welcome!
I'm writing about Internet bills proposed by the Russian State Duma that either did not go anywhere (e.g. Milonov's 2017 social-media-by-passport proposal) or only much later and/or in heavily redacted form (such as the 2020 social media law).
Which other bills should I include? I'm trying to get a sense of the overall dynamics of proposals being floated at various times. Vague leads or hunches welcome!